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a, Arts & Entertainment

Fighting repression, one Lego figure at a time

At the exhibit’s entrance is wall, with a child-like drawing of a person, accompanied by a dictionary definition of the term ‘human being’. Next to this drawing is one of an owl; following, is an image of a box coloured in grey, which the accompanying caption tells us represents the colour ‘red,’ rendered in grey nuances. This theme characterizes the remaining drawings that form this introductory portion of Sayeh Sarfaraz’s exhibition at the Montréal, arts interculturels (M.A.I.): Étrange dictature.

While these initial images seem innocent and infantile, devoid of any overt political associations, the tone later changes when we see drawings labelled ‘democracy’, ‘military dictatorship’, and ‘political power’ all paired with short and concise definitions. Along the three other walls that make up Sarfaraz’s installation, forming an open cubic structure in the middle of the exhibition room, more drawings appear. These are coupled with with labels such as ‘human rights’, ‘Ayatollah’, ‘freedom of expression’, ‘prison’, and ‘video-surveillance’. Despite the seemingly unassuming medium of the simple, child-like drawings, the political nature of the exhibit gradually but surely unfolds: Sayeh Sarfaraz, who is of Iranian origin, has created a language allowing her to critically engage with the political system in her home country.

Her message reaches its climax with the centrepiece of the installation, which, much like the drawings, appears at first to be nothing more than the creative results of a child’s playful imagination: hundreds of miniature Lego-figures form a long queue, starting as a small, insignificant group at the top right-hand corner, and culminating in a mass-assembly in the bottom left. Upon closer inspection, however, it is no ordinary grouping of people. Confronting the small yellow Lego-figures are hundreds of soldiers: they point their weapons at the Lego-civilians from the other side of a military line of battle, as well as from the top of an archive-box at the fore of the installation, representing the central political power of the country. The numerous small drawers of the archive-box are labelled with the names of Iranian journalists and defenders of human rights, all of whom have at some point been subject to imprisonment by the political regime for exercising too freely their right to freedom of speech.

Formally known as the Islamic Republic of Iran, the state is presented by Sayeh Sarfaraz as an Islamic dictatorship: the Supreme Leader, accompanied by the President, has unrestricted powers, denying citizens their right to participate in a democratic political process, with freedom of expression as its most important founding element. Using seemingly apolitical and simple media to convey her message, she creates a language that is as universally accessible and accommodating, as the regime she portrays is obscure and uncompromising.

Étrange dictature runs from Jan. 19 to Feb. 16 at M.A.I. (Bureau 103, 3680 rue Jeanne-Mance). Admission is free.

Thomas Demand’s Pacific Sun. (Courtesy of DHC/ART)
a, Arts & Entertainment

Thomas Demand: deceit and delight

Walking into Thomas Demand’s Embassy (2007), it is easy to empathize with the uneasiness the artist must have felt when visiting the titular Embassy of the Republic of Niger in Rome to prepare for this series. Frameless, life-size prints, appearing as part of the wall they are mounted on, depict doors ajar and offices in disarray, as if tracking the movement of a burglar. Papers scattered across an office desk look uncannily blank, until one realizes that blankness permeates the whole series—the scattered documents are the best representation of a world constructed entirely out of paper.

The origami building is typical of Demand’s meticulously constructed realities, which have won him international fame, including headline exhibitions in Germany and the United States. A new show, at DHC/ART in Old Montreal, displays Embassy alongside five similarly fabricated film installations, collectively titled Animations.

Demand typically culls his material from cultural or political events that he feels can be accurately embodied by an image. Instead of photographing an object directly, however, he applies distance by manufacturing the piece in question before taking its portrait. In Animations, he manipulates paper, three-dimensional animation, and even candy wrappers to create eerie facsimiles.

The artificial universe Demand has created is striking because of its—quite literally—dishonest take on art’s persistent goal of showing people different perspectives of reality. At first, the work seems like an elaborate prank, mocking the ‘true’ claim of photography, and testing the perception of its audience. Films like Rain (2008), which depicts “raindrops” with stop-motion animation of candy wrappers, seem whimsical, with the illusion itself as both the departure and final destination of the work’s purpose. Other projects like Embassy and Pacific Sun (2012) resonate more effectively because they flesh out specific events, ironically adding new layers of meaning to the reality they depict by subtracting information—Demand’s artificial universes are devoid of people.

Revisiting the Nigerien Embassy adds visual data to an alleged break-in in 2001. Official etterhead was apparently stolen, and used to forge contracts between Saddam Hussein and Niger over the purchase of “yellowcake” uranium, later used by George W. Bush as evidence to go to war in Iraq. Just like the documents, the embassy is itself a forgery, and the photos question the authenticity of intelligence, following a paper trail of conspiracy theories, just to end up with more paper

Demand’s fakery extends to the peripheral environment of the gallery as well. The artist surrounds much of it in wallpaper in the pattern of a grey curtain. Whether intentionally or not, walking through DHC/ART’s sparse stairwells, and being constantly watched by security guards in an uncomfortably enclosed space (Embassy is spread over two small floors) adds to the effect of the work. While trying to listen to Demand talk about being kicked out of the embassy for taking photographs, a guard pointed to my recorder and warned: “Pas de cellulaire.”

In a conversation with Demand prior to the exhibit’s opening, art critic Michael Fried claimed that the process of meticulously assembling his environments was crucial to the meaning of his work, and that there was importance in the fact that nothing was accidental. He relished the fact that such deliberateness meant that every detail served a purpose, and that the sum of those details communicated an unambiguous statement to the audience. Simultaneously, however, he claimed that context was secondary to this process of fabrication, a claim supported by the gallery in its assertion that Demand’s sets are destroyed after they are photographed. This awareness, combined with knowledge of the political context of the embassy photos adds layers of both complexity, and clarity to Demand’s intentions.

Without knowing about the embassy break-in, or that Recorder (2002) is based off the unfinished Beach Boys album Smile, does the art have the same weight? Demand argues that it does, and seems to welcome ‘ignorant’ interpretations of his pieces, historically providing no revealing information in his titles. Yet, it is hard to let Demand have his cake and eat it too; and while DHC/ART’s eagerly in-depth explanations of context is helpful to an audience, it feels cautious and antithetical to Demand’s statement. Despite this, the gallery may still be doing us a favour by providing explanations to latch onto, even if some of its artist’s mystique is lost. So who can be trusted? As Animations suggests, perhaps no one.

Thomas Demand: Animations runs from Jan. 19 to May 12, 2013. The exhibit is hosted by DHC/ART (451 & 465 St-Jean Street). Admission is free.

a, Music

Various Artists: Girls Soundtrack, Vol. 1

The debut season of Girls received effusive praise, and viewers fell in love with the triple-threat director, writer, and lead actress Lena Dunham. Dunham plays Hannah Horvath, a twenty-something writer living in New York, who struggles with a steady job and a relationship with an uber-horny boyfriend. Among the complicated web of frenemies and ex’s, Hannah-plus-three live a life of “oh wells” and “what ifs”—all reflected in the show’s poppy, spontaneous soundtrack.

As if being a triple-threat wasn’t enough, Dunham also curated the tracks, which fall in step with the raw, lively youthfulness in Girls. Featuring the likes of Grouplove, Fleet Foxes, and The Vaccines, the mood swings of each episode are appropriately accented with down-tempo, somber tracks like “Fool To Cry” by Tegan and Sara. These are juxtapositioned with Santigold’s dance-infused song (quite fittingly) titled “Girls”—a standout track radiating an exuberant playfulness. The unique spectrum of songs encompasses a refreshing approach to documenting the characters’ daily lives, filled with good humour and bad luck.

But the track that epitomizes the show the best is Robyn’s “Dancing On My Own,” notoriously used at the end of episode three. The one song (of 19) that felt out of place was Michael Penn’s “On Your Way,” which is much too melodramatic and tacky, and misses the mark.

The tracks are hip, upbeat, and funky, radiating what HBO’s Girls is all about.

a, Music

Sebastien Tellier: My God is Blue

In his latest album My God is Blue, French musician Sebastien Tellier plays with numerous different genres, sounds, languages, and emotions. Tellier’s release won’t be enjoyed by all, but those who do will like it whole-heartedly.

My God is Blue is a spiritual album. Tellier asks the listener to connect with the messages conveyed, instead of listening for the beats and lyrics. Tellier wants the audience to bond with one another on this level, thus encouraging a more linked and honest society. It seems as though Tellier is channeling his inner John Lennon, with his idealistic approach to society’s cohesive capabilities; but hey, why not? We need more artists like Tellier making expertly produced music for his own purposes.

Across 12 tracks, Tellier conveys a different, intense emotion in each; ‘unpredictable’ is perhaps the most appropriate word to describe this album. Drawing on religious influences like the chorus in “Pepito Blue” and the organs playing in the background of “Yes It’s Possible,” Tellier proceeds to blend these elements into the multiple layers of contrasting sounds he so commonly uses. Some fun ‘70s influences come out in “Sedulous” (a personal favourite) and “Cochon Ville” which draws upon some of his older works off the album Sexuality.

Sebastien Tellier makes creative, unique electronica that stands apart from the EDM fad sweeping North America. He stays true to his work, and for that, one can’t help having respect.

Allard, right, in the throes of passion. (Mukul Ranjan / Courtesy of Danse Danse)
a, Arts & Entertainment

Flamenco, revisited

Flamenco is recognized for its passionate, precise, and lightning-fast footwork. La Otra Orilla’s captivating presentation of their new piece, HomoBLABLAtus, blends the nuances of traditional flamenco with contemporary expression. Founded in 2006, the small and relatively new company has a unique approach to the Andalusian art form, including projected recordings and the direct incorporation of musicians into dance performance.

HomoBLABLAtus explores different forms of physical communication, and the weight of words, enhanced by La Otra Orilla’s selected film scenes. The stage set is simple: two areas divided by a large rotating box; separated spaces for different methods of expression. HomoBLABLAtus introduces the film projections with repeated images of moving lips, to a voice over by Catherine Allard and Frederic Blanchette—both sight and sound quickly become hypnotizing.

The most effective product of this medium, however, is the virtual duo. The soloist, Myriam Allard, dances with her virtual partner—the projection of Blanchette—who dances on the face of box. She is able to both command the stage and seduce the audience, while interacting with Blanchette’s virtual form. The eye is torn between Allard’s live moving body and the projection. The two dance together sensually, as if they are alone in their own space and medium. What is surprising and jarring at first glance becomes seemingly natural.

Although flamenco is traditionally danced solo, HomoBLABLAtus feels more like an ensemble piece. Singer Hedi Graja directs the show, choreographed by the energetic yet graceful Myriam Allard. Typically, flamenco incorporates live music within the dance, but this performance presents a refreshing multi-disciplinary vision of the art form. In addition to La Otra Orilla’s provocative use of media, the musicians—Aurelie Brunelle, Miguel Medina, and Graja, who share the stage with Allard—dance throughout the performance, building the dynamism and momentum of the rhythmic choreography.

This intensity reaches a peak when the quartet works together—Graja’s soaring, soulful voice supported by Medina’s drumming, layered with Brunelle’s proudly challenging him for his role. Together with Allard, the elegant foot-stamping women ruled the stage, creating rich, unpredictable sounds. The final result was pure excitement.

The performance ends with Allard dancing alone to calmer music. She is drenched in rain, an image achieved by skillful lighting effects and some help from a white sheet. Allard’s altered posture combined with her sobered footwork and her new relationship with the floor creates a more emotional atmosphere. She made the audience search for her striking silhouette, but calmed them with the rhythms of her feet.

HomoBLABLAtus is a compelling and exciting performance of beautiful live music, dance, and film. Their contemporary expression respects the formal purism of Flamenco while maintaining freedom in its reinterpretation. You will leave this performance tapping Allard’s rhythms and humming Graja’s tune.

La Otra Orilla’s HomoBLABLAtus runs from Jan. 16 to Jan. 26 at Place des Arts. Regular admission $36.50.

Pauline Marois and Heather Munroe-Blum at odds over budget cuts. (Ben Ko / McGill Tribune)
a, News

Budget cuts could increase McGill deficit to $30 million

On Dec. 6, the Parti Québécois (PQ) announced that it expects Quebec universities to cut $124 million from their cumulative operating budgets by April 2013. According to McGill Principal Heather Munroe-Blum, the cuts amount to 5.2 per cent of universities’ operating grants, but their introduction, two-thirds of the way through the fiscal year, makes them equivalent to 15 per cent.

Members of the McGill administration say they will lobby the Quebec government to reverse the government’s decision to retroactively cut $19.1 million from McGill’s operating budget, before making any decisions as to which university services could be affected by the cuts.

The McGill Board of Governors (BoG) approved the university’s 2012-2013 budget last March. This budget included a $7 million deficit. According to Munroe-Blum, the additional cuts could push this year’s deficit to over $30 million.

The PQ claims the previous Liberal government had planned similar cuts, and that universities should have been made aware of them earlier in the fiscal year. University leaders across the province have denied receiving such notice.

“The effect of taking such a cut would be to transfer a portion of the government’s deficit to the university system, while undermining dramatically the important educational, economic, research, and social contributions of the University,” Munroe-Blum wrote in an email to the McGill community on Dec. 14.

The BoG passed a resolution on Dec. 13 that condemned the cuts as “excessive” and “injurious” for both universities and Quebec society, and insisting that the government reverse the decision.

“We will take every measure necessary to persuade the government to withdraw these harmful and ill-timed cuts, and to give us the degrees of freedom we need to fulfill our mission—to serve Quebec and Quebeckers at the highest level,” Munroe-Blum wrote.

Last Thursday, Provost Anthony Masi told the Students’ Society of McGill University’s (SSMU) Legislative Council that Munroe-Blum and Vice-Principal (External Relations) Olivier Marcil are working with other universities to prepare a proposal for the government.

“We’ve made no plans because we want to have the conversation first,” Masi said. “We’re not going to the government with a plan saying ‘here’s how we’re going to make the cuts.’ We’re going to the government saying … ‘can we convince you that this is not a good thing to do?’”

Reactions across campus

Although more than a month has passed since the PQ’s announcement, groups and individuals across campus continue to react to the proposed cuts.

Shortly after the announcement, the McGill Association of University Teachers (MAUT) passed a council motion condemning the cuts. MAUT President Alvin Shrier emphasized the need for coordinated efforts to pressure the government into reversing their decision.

“Everybody’s going to pay the price, because at the end of the day, these kind of cutbacks are not going to help the quality of our education,” he said.

Jonathan Mooney, secretary-general of the Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) pointed to the budget cuts as a direct contradiction of the PQ’s support for education when they were elected in September 2012.

“They were elected on the platform that they wanted to protect students, make sure that they have a good experience, and that they valued education,” he said. “[The decision is] really bad for the government because it undermines their credibility.”

Mooney also said that groups may withdraw from the Quebec summit on higher education planned for February.

“The whole idea of the summit was that we were going to have a conversation with all the stakeholders—staff, professors, students, administrators, people from the community, business leaders,” he said. “Now it’s like [the PQ has] already made their decision.”

Other students showed their opposition to the cuts by protesting at the Dec. 13 BoG meeting. According to one protestor, the demonstration also intended to “propose and enforce an unlimited general strike of the McGill administration” against the government.

“In the printemps érable, we saw that an unlimited general strike is the only avenue for creating an effective power relation with the government, and we want to share that lesson with the administration in its time of need,” the protestor, who asked to remain anonymous, said.

The protestors attempted to enter the BoG meeting to deliver their motion, but were denied access by McGill Security. SSMU President Josh Redel, a member of the BoG, said he disagreed with the tactics of the protestors, whose presence delayed the start of the meeting and caused the board to relocate to a different room. He expressed concerns over the initial joke-like manner of the protest.

“My frustration is that the initial framing of the protest as a joke or ironic is childish, especially at a time when we’re facing something so real,” Redel said. “$20 million isn’t a joke. Today’s discussion was crucial and has a direct impact on students … You can be very powerful in protest but still show respect.”

The protest began with a drum circle. (Simon Poitrimolt / McGill Tribune)
a, News

Idle No More reaches Montreal

Approximately 1,500 people gathered in front of the Palais des Congrès last Friday to show their solidarity with Canadian First Nations and Chief Theresa Spence, who has been on a hunger strike for the past month in protest of the federal government’s stance on Indigenous rights. Following a traditional round dance, the crowd marched through downtown Montreal.

This event was part of Idle No More, a growing grassroots movement advocating for Indigenous rights in Canada. The movement began last November, when four women in Saskatchewan used Facebook and the title “Idle No More” to draw attention to the ways in which Bill C-45—commonly known as the second omnibus budget bill—erodes Indigenous communities’ control over their land.

Bill C-45 changes legislation for more than 60 government acts. The main concerns of the Idle No More movement are the changes made to the Indian Act, the Environmental Assessment Act, and the replacement of the Navigable Waters Act with the Navigation Protection Act.

These legislation changes speed up the approval process for leasing Indigenous land, and remove protection from the majority of Canada’s rivers so that pipeline and power-line installation firms no longer need to prove that their activity will not damage a navigable waterway.

Friday’s protest attracted a diverse, multi-generational crowd. A group of elderly women were among the demonstrators, wearing brightly coloured hats and holding signs demanding that Prime Minister Stephen Harper listen to Indigenous Peoples’ concerns.

“[This movement has] been a long time coming,” a senior participant, who would only be identified as Marguerite, said. “The government and private corporations have a duty to always consult with First Nations.”

In front of Palais des Congrès on Friday, the crowd joined hands and formed a series of circles where participants turned and stamped in time to the beat of hand drums.

Two students from Dawson College handed out red felt feathers to protestors. Jeffrey Graham, an executive of Dawson’s student union, explained that he had found the ideafor the feathers online.

“We just converted a few of our red squares in our office into red feathers,” Graham said.

“[Idle No More] is kind of like a continuum to the Occupy movement and the student movement,” a student in the Concordia School of Community and Public Affairs, who would only be identified as Crystal, said. “[But it is] different because it is in response to a direct attack on First Nations people.”

Crystal also explained that she wanted to take part in the Idle No More movement because she is of Métis descent.

“My family doesn’t practice Aboriginal [customs], but I feel really connected to the land, like all Canadians I guess,” she said.

For many supporters of Idle No More, Indigenous people’s concerns are integrally linked to Canadian environmental concerns.

“We really feel strongly that our resources need to be protected, and [First Nations] peoples have always been advocates for our land,” Graham said.

The Facebook event for Friday’s protest emphasized the importance of seeing Idle No More as an inclusively Canadian movement, rather than one aimed only at Indigenous populations.

“[This is] a movement that is ready to demand an end to Harper’s relentless legislations that amount to nothing less than an outright assault on the fabric of this country,” the Facebook event page said.

Over the past two months, Idle No More protests, rallies, and teach-ins have taken place nation-wide. One of the movement’s more controversial tactics has been blockades of railway lines.

Reactions to Idle No More’s protest tactics have been mixed. U3 environmental science student Maida Hadziosmanovic’s VIA Rail train was delayed for four hours on her way back to Montreal from her home in Oakville, Ontario after Christmas.

“Though I support the cause, I did not support the protesters as they were affecting people who have nothing to do with Harper’s decisions,” Hadziosmanovic said.

“There are many other ways of getting the government’s attention,” she continued. “In my opinion, they probably ticked off a lot more people than they would have if they approached the movement differently.”

SSMU Vice-President External Robin-Reid Fraser attended Friday’s protest. She said SSMU does not have an official position on the Idle No More movement, but students will have the opportunity to learn about and discuss the issues during the “Intro to Quebec” week SSMU has planned for Jan. 21-25.

Photos by Simon Poitrimolt

a, News

McGill student files grievance over protocol on protests

On Dec. 11, 2012, U3 Philosophy student Eli Freedman filed a complaint with the McGill Senate Committee on Student Grievances against the draft of a permanent McGill protocol on demonstrations, assemblies, and protests. The grievance calls for the draft protocol to be nullified immediately, and for Vice Principal (Administration and Finance) Michael Di Grappa and Provost Anthony C. Masi to issue a formal, public apology to the McGill community.

The draft protocol is an evolution of a provisional protocol implemented on Feb. 12, 2012, following a five-day student occupation of the sixth floor of the James Administration Building. The draft protocol, which was released to the McGill community on Nov. 30, outlines permanent parameters for how protests and similar activities may occur on University premises, and under what circumstances they would or would not be condoned.

Critics of the draft protocol, including Freedman, have condemned the document as vague, open to interpretation, and for stepping on the rights of McGill community members to express political dissent. Freedman argues that it potentially violates “students’ human rights covered under international and provincial law.”

“It clearly follows from … the Charter of Students’ Rights that there exists a special fiduciary responsibility between the University and students to ensure that students’ rights are not infringed upon through administrative decisions,” Freedman wrote in the document submitted to the Committee on Student Grievances.

“It is an unacceptable breach of trust on behalf of the respondents to restrict the fundamental freedoms of all students in response to the actions of a small number of students,” he argued.

Freedman explained that his motivation for filing a complaint goes beyond the nullification of the draft protocol.

“The protocol really just makes [explicit] what was already implicit—[the McGill administration’s] lack of will to tolerate disruption,” he said. “The goal is to … get rid of what is explicit, [but also] to change what has [been] and still is implicit … to make it possible for protestors in the future to create [change].”

Freedman described his experience with compiling and filing a student grievance as “very frustrating.” Freedman met separately with McGill Ombudsperson Spencer Boudreau on Feb. 12, and former associate dean of arts (student affairs) Andre Costopoulos on Oct. 17, to discuss the provisional and draft protocols, respectively.

“[My meetings with them] were pretty fruitless,” Freedman said. “It’s quite ambiguous what the actual [draft] protocol means … [Costopoulos] told me that, in his capacity as Associate Dean, he would never even use the protocol, because it’s unclear what it means or what level of authority it has.”

Freedman is currently waiting for an official response to his complaint from the Senate Committee on Student Grievances.

In the meantime, Freedman has taken further action, and requested that Costopoulos—who is now Dean of Students—and Professor Paul Thomassin, chair of the Committee, ask that the Board of Governors (BoG) delay their vote on the adoption of the protocol, which is scheduled for Jan. 29.

“There’s no rush to make the Protocol permanent,” Freedman said. “[The Board] shouldn’t vote on a [protocol] that [does not] meet McGill’s requirements now that it’s been challenged.”

As he has not yet recevied an official response from the Committee, Freedman does not believe Di Grappa and Masi have read his grievance.

Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) President Josh Redel said he and SSMU Vice-President University Affairs Haley Dinel—who both sit as student senators on McGill Senate—are working on their reaction to the draft protocol’s presentation to Senate on
Jan. 23.

“We are working on ways of figuring out what more students think before saying [our position],” he said. “I am confused as to the need to have a protocol such as this, especially one that attempts to define ‘peacefulness.’ I think trying to define ‘peacefulness’ in such a dynamic environment … is an exercise in futility.”

Freedman said he believes student senators will form a strong opposition to the protocol on Jan. 23, and he hopes that McGill professors will also stand up against the document.

According to Freedman, a protest against the protocol is planned for Jan. 23.

The McGill administration could not be reached for comment.

a, News

Brown professor David Egilman questions asbestos research

On Jan. 4, David Egilman, a clinical professor in the department of family medicine at Brown University, debated members of the McGill community on the topic of asbestos research at McGill. The presentation, which  Egilman called a “counter-conference,” meant to address a talk given by McGill Epidemiology Professor Bruce Case earlier that day.

According to Egilman, the purpose of the counter-conference was to “present critical information to the public regarding McGill’s ongoing refusal to address damning evidence of asbestos research improprieties, and improper conduct by former Chair of McGill’s Epidemiology Department, Dr. [John] Corbett McDonald.”

Egilman focused primarily on discounting the body of research done by McDonald and his team of researchers into Quebec asbestos mines from the 1960s to the late 1990s. In a paper published in 1998 that McDonald co-wrote, he indicates that, when taken at face value, the data he collected proves there is a protective effect of asbestos.

“That means asbestos protected against the effect they were studying, and the effect they were studying was lung cancer,” Egilman said.

According to Egilman, McDonald’s research is still used today by asbestos companies to advocate for the use of asbestos in countries like Brazil and India.

“This is a policy problem,” Egilman said. “This is not some esoteric academic issue. Asbestos is being sold, and mined, and dumped in developing countries.”

Egilman expressed his belief that the only way to prevent this research from being used by asbestos companies is for McGill to withdraw the 1998 paper.

McGill professors who attended Egilman’s talk debated with Egilman on this point, arguing that Egilman is targeting the wrong place to get the paper withdrawn.

“Your job now is no longer with McGill University,” Eduardo Franco, McGill’s interim chair of oncology, said. “If this is truly an important job at hand for the advocacy you propose, which I think is misdirected, I would work in a different direction with advocacy groups and with professional sciences … [your job] is with the journals.”

Franco also expressed the belief that the university should not withdraw the paper because it can provide insights into research flaws that could be helpful for the future.

Egilman alleged that certain data linking asbestos to cancer was disregarded in the study, which he said altered the results significantly.

“When the data started to show asbestos caused lung cancer rather than protected against lung cancer, [McDonald’s team] stopped,” Egilman said. “If they couldn’t delete the data that didn’t make sense, they just threw it away … This is not arbitrary. This is done with a purpose.”

According to the CBC, McDonald received nearly one million dollars from asbestos companies as funding for his research. CBC released a documentary in February 2012 that argued that asbestos companies influenced McDonald’s results.

Last year, McGill conducted an internal investigation into McDonald’s research. The investigation was led by McGill’s Research Integrity Officer Abraham Fuks, who concluded that no research misconduct had occurred. Some McGill professors defended McDonald’s research when Egilman argued that the results of the research in question may have been manipulated.

“McGill has already investigated itself, and has come up with the final conclusion that there was no evidence of wrong-doing,” Franco said. “This was based on the reality of how you [conducted] research back at that time.”

Wayne Wood, an occupational health lecturer at McGill, also expressed concerns with Egilman’s accusations. He accused Egilman of twisting the words of McDonald’s conclusions.

“I think the presentation is flawed,” Wood said. “I didn’t react with the same amount of outrage as [Egilman] simply because I do not over-interpret the statements as [saying] something that they were not intended to say.”

Wood pointed to Egilman’s accusation that McDonald had said there was a “protection factor” with asbestos exposure.

“[McDonald] didn’t say there is a protection factor,” Wood said. “He said ‘taken at face value’—in other words, if you didn’t know better and you just looked at the data, it might suggest there is a protection factor. But he didn’t say there was a protection factor. You did.”

Egilman said he was pleased with the debates that occurred during his presentation following the talk. He also said it has been difficult getting his message through to members of the McGill community.

“I think it’s hard to call the emperor out,” Egilman said, in reference to McDonald. “I’m not going after McDonald. I am trying to get the truth out about a study in a way that … will make sense.”

Egilman paid for a room in the Faculty Club himself in order to speak. Six scientists from both the United States and Canada sent a letter to Joseph Cox, the coordinator the Epidemiology Seminar Series, requesting that Egilman be given time to present alongside Case. The request was not granted.

 

a, News

SSMU Council calls on TaCEQ to demand États Généraux

During the Students’ Society of McGill University’s (SSMU) first Legislative Council meeting of the semester, Council called for the Quebec Student Roundtable (La Table de concertation étudiante du Québec, or TaCEQ), of which SSMU is a member association, to organize an États Généraux on the role of education in Quebec society, separate from the Education Summit scheduled by the provincial government for February.

An États Généraux is a broad consultation about a specific issue commissioned by the government.

SSMU Vice-President External Robin Reid-Fraser presented the motion to Council.

“I’ve reached the conclusion—and I think there are a lot of groups who feel similarly—that the process of the Education Summit that we have going on right now is not as big as it could be,” Reid-Fraser said.

She also expressed disappointment with how little time the Parti Québécois (PQ) has given student associations and other groups to prepare for the Summit by announcing it in November. Reid-Fraser further expressed frustration with the Summit’s apparent lack of structure at this point–despite the many meetings that have been held by the PQ with various student associations, and other members of the education community to create a framework.

“I feel like we are at this really important time in a lot of ways, and the conversations we are having [in these meetings hosted by the government] are just not enough,” Reid-Fraser continued.

Reid-Fraser originally wanted Council to call on TaCEQ to hold an alternative education summit, but came up with the idea of organizing an États Généraux, after talking with  Simon Charonneau, a SSMU political attache and press secretary.

She explained that the États Généraux would be put on by the National Assembly, and would be a much longer process—one that could take up to twelve to eighteen months, or as long as the consultations need to be completed. According to Reid-Fraser, consultations would occur across the province with many different groups from the university community.

A few councillors expressed concerns about calling an États Généraux at this time.

Alexandra Allaire / McGill Tribune
Alexandra Allaire / McGill Tribune

“[An] États Généraux may make sense. But I think we ought to be far more prepared before we call on the government to conduct one,” he said. “We ought to think carefully about what we would like to get out of it, who we would like to be heard, and what areas we would like the États to focus on.”

SSMU Vice-President Clubs and Services Allison Cooper said she would like more information on what an États Généraux would entail. She motioned to send the original motion back to the External Affairs Committee to be re-examined. Cooper’s motion did not pass.

Music Representative Katie Larson supported both the original motion and the idea of an États Généraux.

“I think this is the most moderate, logical … way of going about the education issue,” Larson said. “I don’t see what the problem is, honestly. If you are going to represent students on Council, I think we should easily be passing this.”

Reid-Fraser also brought forth a motion that would call on TaCEQ to demand an audit of spending for all universities in Quebec at the government’s Summit in February.

“The idea with this [motion] is that there would be a process to fully see where universities use money, where they are spending the money that they have right now, does that make sense, and comparing universities across Quebec,” Reid-Fraser said.

Science Senator Moe Nasr pointed out that the university already undergoes an audit, and that a better alternative might be to look into government university funding.

“Why don’t you add [to the motion] to request the government to have an impartial third party audit on its university funding management because … the issue isn’t where university spending is going—it’s how funding is being mismanaged,” Nasr said.

After a discussion of whether or not an audit is the appropriate measure to be called for, Reid-Fraser proposed that the motion be tabled indefinitely, so that she could conduct further research and consultations.

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